|
Executive Summary
During the years 1990-94, 563,000 documented immigrants
settled in the City of New York. This represents
an average of 112,600 annually, which was nearly
32 percent higher than the immigrant flow in the
1980s. This increase in immigration to New York
City mirrored the growth to the nation as a whole;
as a result, immigrants to the city constituted
nearly 15 percent of all entering immigrants to
the U.S. in both the 1980s and early 1990s.
Sources
of Immigration
The Dominican Republic, which was the top source
of immigrants to the city in the 1970s and 1980s,
maintained that position in the early 1990s. During
the 1990-94 period, immigrants from that Caribbean
nation accounted for one in five immigrants, averaging
22,000 annually. This was an increase of 52 percent
over the annual average of 14,500 in the 1980s.
Relative to the nation, the city gets a high share
of Caribbean immigrants, who constituted 33 percent
of the flow to the city but only 12 percent of
immigrants to the U.S. as a whole. This flow to
the city included not only Dominicans, but substantial
numbers from Jamaica, Haiti, and Trinidad and
Tobago. Unlike immigration from the Dominican
Republic, there were moderate declines in flows
from the latter countries.
The share of European immigration more than doubled,
from nine percent in the 1980s to 22 percent in
the early 1990s. The former Soviet Union experienced
the largest increase of any major source country,
from an annual average of 1,300 immigrants in
the 1980s to 13,300 in the early 1990s. As a result,
the former Soviet Union accounted for nearly one
in eight immigrants to the city, making it the
second largest source country of immigrants to
New York City.
The growth in immigration from Asia kept pace
with overall increases in immigration. Asian immigrants
constituted 22 percent of immigrants to the city
in the 1970s and 26 percent in the 1980s and early
1990s. China, the largest source from Asia, averaged
12,000 annually compared to 9,000 in the 1980s.
This placed China as the third leading source
of immigrants to the city, a position it has held
since the 1970s.
Demographic
Profile
Recent immigrants were much younger than the general
population. The median age of an immigrant to
New York City was 27 years, compared to 34 years
for the general population. There is considerable
variation in age by country of origin, however.
Immigrants from the former Soviet Union (average
of 36 years), China (32) and the Philippines (31)
all tend to be older, while Hondurans (21), Dominicans
(23), and Bangladeshis (23) were very young.
Immigration has included a greater share of females
over the past decade. The sex ratio of immigrants
in the early 1990s stood at 92 males per 100 females,
down from the ratio of 98 for immigrants in the
1980s.
Among the top 20 source countries to New York
City in the 1990s, 16 showed a decline in their
sex ratios. The lowest sex ratio in the 1990s
among top source countries was for immigrants
from the Philippines, at just 63 males per 100
females. The country with the highest sex ratio
was Bangladesh, with 143 males per 100 females.
Occupational
Characteristics
Sixty percent of males and 35 percent of females
16 to 64 years of age reported occupations at
the point of immigration. There were substantial
variations by country of birth. Male immigrants
from Ireland, for example, had the highest percentage
reporting an occupation (86 percent), while immigrants
from the former Soviet Union had the lowest (23
percent). Among females, more than three-quarters
of immigrants from Ireland and the Philippines
reported occupations, compared to just less than
10 percent of females from Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The occupational distribution of immigrant males
was similar in some respects to that for all males
in the city. The percentages in professional
specialty and technical occupations (18 percent),
precision production, craft, and repair
occupations (15 percent), and service (18
percent) were similar to the percentages for all
city residents. Immigrant males, however, had
a higher representation in the operators, fabricators,
and laborers category and a smaller representation
in sales, and administrative support
jobs.
Among females, the occupational distribution was
substantially different from that for all city
residents. The percentage of female immigrants
in professional specialty and technicaloccupations
(30 percent) and service (24 percent) were well
in excess of the percentages for all city workers.
Proportionately fewer immigrants were in executive,
sales, and administrative support occupations.
The distribution of male immigrants by occupation
in the 1990s was not substantially different from
that for male immigrants in the 1980s. However,
there were significant changes in the occupational
distribution of female immigrants. The percentage
of female immigrants in professional specialty
and technical occupations nearly doubled between
the 1980s and early 1990s. At the same time, the
share of operators, fabricators, and laborers
and of service workers declined substantially.
The
Effect of Changes in Immigration Law
For most of the past thirty years, immigration
to the United States has been shaped by the landmark
Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965.
This law abolished quotas that favored European
immigrants. It established a system of preferences
emphasizing entry based on family reunification
and occupational skills in short supply. The 1990
Immigration Act, the biggest change in
immigration law since 1965, maintained the priority
given to family reunification, but placed an increased
premium on skilled employment. In an attempt to
diversify the sources of immigration, it provided
a path of entry to those with no family ties in
the U.S.
The 1990 Act sought to increase the share of skilled
immigrants by tripling the number of employment
visas targeted toward the highly-skilled. This
increase was particularly beneficial for Asian
countries -- especially China and the Philippines.
Another major beneficiary was Israel: close to
one-half of all Israelis entered by way of the
employment route in the 1990s.
Several new nations appeared on the immigration
scene in New York as a result of the diversity
program. Two of them -- Ireland and Bangladesh
--- made the top 20 source country list for the
first time, as a result of these visas. The diversity
program also helped increase immigration from
Poland, sustained flows from the United Kingdom,
and created seed immigration for future flows
from Japan.
The 1990 law made provisions for "legalization
dependents," spouses and minor children of
formerly undocumented immigrants who were amnestied
under the Immigration Reform and Control Act
of 1986. This pool of visas was of greatest
benefit to Mexico: more than one-third of Mexicans
entered under that category alone.
Residential Settlement of Immigrants
Thirty-five percent of all immigrants in the 1990-94
period settled in Brooklyn, with another 30 percent
settling in Queens. Manhattan absorbed 20 percent
of all immigrants, the Bronx 14 percent, and Staten
Island two percent.
The Dominican Republic alone accounted for 40
percent of the flow to the Bronx and to Manhattan
while immigrants from the former Soviet Union
comprised one-quarter of the flow to Brooklyn.
While no country dominated the flow to Queens
or Staten Island, China was the largest sender,
accounting for 12 percent of the flow to Queens
and 11 percent to Staten Island.
The top three immigrant-receiving neighborhoods
in the city in the 1990-94 period were Washington
Heights (28,800) and Chinatown and vicinity (19,120)
in Manhattan, and Gravesend-Homecrest (15,800)
in Brooklyn. In addition, Bay Ridge-Bensonhurst,
Flatbush, Sheepshead Bay-Brighton Beach, Crown
Heights, Midwood, and Sunset Park-Industry City
in Brooklyn, and the Queens neighborhoods of Flushing,
Astoria, Elmhurst, Corona, and Woodside each received
more than 10,000 immigrants during this period.
The five neighborhoods with the greatest increase
in immigration were all in Brooklyn: Gravesend-Homecrest,
Bay Ridge-Bensonhurst, Sheepshead Bay-Brighton
Beach, Midwood, and Parkville-Bensonhurst. These
increases were all associated with the big upswing
in immigration from the former Soviet Union. The
five neighborhoods that experienced the largest
declines in immigration were also in Brooklyn:
Flatbush, East Flatbush, Crown Heights, Brownsville,
and Prospect Heights. These declines were attributable
to the drop in immigration from nonhispanic Caribbean
nations, specifically, Jamaica and Haiti.
Amnestied
Immigrants
The 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act
(IRCA) legalized that segment of the undocumented
population which continuously resided in the U.S.
since January 1, 1982 (legalization applicants
or LAPs) and those employed as seasonal agricultural
workers (SAWs) for at least 90 days during the
year ending May 1, 1986. New York City SAWs could
have performed agricultural labor anywhere in
the United States.
New York City's LAPs numbered 92,200 and its SAWs
totaled 33,500 for a total amnestied population
of 125,700. This constituted five percent of the
2.76 million formerly undocumented immigrants
in the nation who were amnestied under IRCA.
Dominicans comprised the biggest group of amnestied
immigrants in the city (11,900), followed by Mexicans
(9,300), Haitians and Colombians (8,600 each),
and Pakistanis (7,100).
The major source countries of legal immigrants
to the city were also represented among those
amnestied in New York. The top 20 source countries
for documented immigrants in the 1980s accounted
for 78 percent of the legal flow and for over
65 percent of amnestied immigrants.
New York City's LAPs were disproportionately male:
for every 100 females there were 153 males. Forty-two
percent of LAPs entered the U.S. legally, with
a valid visa, but by staying beyond the required
departure date, became part of the undocumented
population. LAPs had less favorable occupational
characteristics than legal immigrants: They had
a lower representation in professional specialty
and technical occupations and were twice as
likely as immigrants to be service workers.
The city's SAWs were overwhelmingly male: for
every 100 females there were 486 males. Nearly
one-half of the city's SAWs entered the U.S. through
its border with Mexico.
A major impact of IRCA was the entry of
a significant number of persons from countries
that have not had large representations in legal
immigrant flows to the city. This was especially
true for immigrants from Senegal, Ghana, and Nigeria.
Others nations that have been given a big boost
as a result of IRCA include Mexico, Guatemala,
Egypt, and Bangladesh. IRCA will permit
these nations to gain an immigration foothold
in the city, from which further immigration can
emanate.
Impact
of Immigrants on the City's Population and Housing
Given the substantial out-migration from the city,
immigrant flows have helped shore up the city's
population over the past four decades. Immigration
has also had an indirect effect on the city's
population growth. The youthful age distribution
of immigrants, combined with the high fertility
of some groups, has led to a substantial growth
of the second generation. As of 1995, an estimated
33 percent of the city's population was foreign-born
and approximately another 20 percent were the
offspring of immigrants.
Immigration has contributed to a substantial shift
in the race/ethnic composition of New York. The
1965 Immigration Act ushered in an unprecedented
flow of immigrants from the Caribbean, Asia, and
South America. These streams of immigrants and
their offspring are replacing those of European
ancestry who are exiting the city either through
death or out- migration. The result is a dramatic
increase in the city's racial and ethnic diversity.
Given the fact that there are net outflows from
the city, immigrants have been crucial to maintaining
not only the city's population, but also its housing
stock. This is especially true with regard to
the city's housing units that are rent-stabilized
as well as those with no government restrictions
or regulations on rents, rental conditions, or
type of tenancy. Close to one-half of recently
turned-over housing units in these categories
were occupied by immigrants. In East Flatbush,
Jackson Heights, and Washington Heights-Inwood,
three-quarters or more of such units have been
occupied by immigrants.
As has been true throughout its history, immigration
continues to shape the character of New York City.
In the face of continued out-migration, the city's
population growth and the stability of its housing
stock are inextricably tied to immigration. If
immigration were restricted, the basis for an
influx of natives to replace immigrant flows is
highly uncertain.
|
