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This report examines the demographic, social,
and economic position of Puerto Ricans in New
York City in 1990. The main objective is to provide
planners, policy makers and program specialists
with a foundation for informed decision making.
This report follows a rich tradition of research
on the city's Puerto Rican population which was
initiated by the Population Division in the 1950s.
The last study done on the Puerto Rican community
was based on 1980 census data and was issued in
three reports. [. See The Puerto Rican New Yorkers
, New York City Department of City Planning, 1982;
Characteristics of New Hispanic Immigrants to
New York City , New York City Department of City
Planning, 1985; and Puerto Rican New Yorkers:
Part 2 , New York City Department of City Planning,
1986.] These studies cumulatively provide an in-depth
profile of Puerto Ricans in the city, documenting
changes over time and comparisons with other selected
populations in the city.
Despite heavy immigration from Latin America,
Puerto Ricans are still by far the largest Hispanic
community in New York. In fact, Puerto Ricans
constitute one of the largest ethnic communities
in New York City, one that continues to grow (Table
A). Puerto Ricans comprise about one-half of all
Hispanics. Dominicans, the second largest group,
represented about 19 percent of all Hispanics
enumerated in 1990. Four other groups have 50,000
or more persons in the city -- Colombians, Ecuadoreans,
Mexicans, and Cubans. Together, these six groups
comprise 85 percent of all Hispanics in the city.
Unlike Puerto Ricans, the other groups consist
largely of persons who were born outside the 50
states. With the exception of Cubans, most arrived
in the United States after 1965.
The Hispanic population of the city has been growing
more diverse over time. Between 1980 and 1990,
increases in the non-Puerto Rican Hispanic groups
have been substantial. Of all the top groups,
only Cubans have registered a numerical decline.
Dominicans (165 percent), Colombians (87 percent),
Ecuadoreans (95 percent), and Mexicans (173 percent)
have all increased substantially. Puerto Ricans
have also increased, but only by four percent,
the lowest level of growth since World War II
when Puerto Ricans first started coming to New
York City in large numbers. This growth is the
net result of positive natural increase (more
births than deaths), and negative net migration
(more out-migrants than city-bound in-migrants).
In contrast, most Hispanic immigrant groups display
positive natural increase and high levels
of positive net migration. As a result, New York
City has become a core settlement area for several
big non-Puerto Rican Hispanic groups.
OVERVIEW
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Puerto Ricans constitute one of the largest
ethnic groups in New York City, numbering 897,000
in 1990 and accounting for 12 percent of the
population.
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Since 1970, more Puerto Ricans have left New
York City than entered.
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In 1940, 88 percent of the Puerto Ricans on
the mainland resided in New York. Today only
one-third do.
-
Puerto Rican settlement patterns in New York
have changed considerably. In 1940, more than
half resided in Manhattan. Today the majority
reside in the Bronx and Brooklyn.
THE
DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF PUERTO RICANS
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The median age of the Puerto Rican population
increased from 24 years in 1980 to 28 years
in 1990, still six years younger than the general
population median.
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About 32 percent of the Puerto Rican population
was under the age of 18 in 1990 compared to
23 percent for all New Yorkers.
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The 1990 Census revealed that for the first
time, a clear majority of Puerto Ricans in
New York City were born in the 50 states.
HOUSEHOLD
AND FAMILY COMPOSITION
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As a proportion of total households, Puerto
Ricans have dramatically more female-headed
families and fewer married couples, relative
to the general population.
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In sharp contrast to the big increase in female-headed
families with "own children" in
the 1970s (57 percent), the 1980s saw a decline
of 10 percent in this category.
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Female-headed families still constitute 35
percent of all households in the Puerto Rican
community compared to 18 percent in the general
population.
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Forty-five percent of all children live as
own children infemale-headed families where
no spouse is present.
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There was dramatic growth in the number of
subfamilies --families within families. More
children are living in families where someone
other than a parent is the head of household.
LANGUAGE
AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
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Sixty-three percent of all Puerto Ricans reported
a "strong" command of English in 1990,
up from 53 percent in 1980.
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A substantial increase in language proficiency
occurred for the island-born population over
the decade -- from 37 to 46 percent.
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In 1980, 35 percent of all Puerto Ricans were
high school graduates. By 1990, that percentage
increased to 46, still much lower than the
69 percent for the general population.
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Twenty-three percent of all persons 25 and
over in the city had graduated from college
compared to six percent for Puerto Ricans.
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Sixty-six percent of Puerto Ricans born in
the 50 states were high school graduates,
about the same as in the general population.
However, those born on the island lag behind
at just 37 percent.
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The educational attainments of Puerto Rican
youth ages 17 to 24 improved in the 1980s,
with lower dropout rates and higher levels
of school enrollment. Nevertheless, they still
lag behind those of all youth in the city.
INCOME
AND POVERTY
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Puerto Rican families experienced a 30 percent
increase in real income in the 1980s, in marked
contrast to the 18 percent decline observed
in the 1970s. However, the ratio of Puerto Rican
family income to that of all families remains
low at 56 percent.
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Puerto Rican married couples had relatively
high incomes in 1989 -- 70 percent higher
than the median for all Puerto Rican families.
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One-third of Puerto Rican households did not
have any earnings in 1989; 35 percent received
public assistance income compared to the city
average of 13 percent.
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Thirty-eight percent of Puerto Ricans were
in poverty compared to 19 percent for the
city.
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More than one-half of all Puerto Rican children
under the age of 18 were below the poverty
level.
LABOR
FORCE
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The share of Puerto Rican women in the labor
force has increased from 34 percent in 1980
to 42 percent in 1990. This compares to 54 percent
for all females in the city.
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Dramatic increases were evident in the economic
activity of women with children under the
age of 18.
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Fifty-four percent of Puerto Rican women born
in the 50 states were in the labor force,
similar to the rate for all women in the city.
The participation rate of Puerto Rican women
born on the island lagged behind at 41 percent.
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The labor force participation rate for Puerto
Rican men in 1990 was marginally lower than
that for all men, 66 percent versus 71 percent.
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The labor force participation rate of Puerto
Rican men born in the 50 states increased
from 59 percent in 1980 to 69 percent in 1990,
making their rate similar to that for all
men in the city.
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As education increased and language proficiency
improved, labor force participation rates
for Puerto Ricans and all persons in the city
converged.
EMPLOYED
PERSONS: OCCUPATION AND INDUSTRY
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Despite substantial growth in the 1980s, Puerto
Rican representation in managerial and professional
occupations was still low in 1990. Thirteen
percent of Puerto Rican men were in these occupations
compared to 29 percent for the rest of theCity.
The proportions for Puerto Ricans and all women
were 22 and 33 percent, respectively.
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There was a 10 percent decline in blue-collar
employment for Puerto Rican men. Nevertheless,
many Puerto Rican men still relied on blue-collar
occupations in 1990 (36 percent). In fact,
the proportion of men in transportation
and material moving jobs actually increased.
Blue-collar jobs for Puerto Rican women declined
by 44 percent in the 1980s and now account
for 12 percent of all jobs.
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The distribution of all Puerto Rican men and
women by industry in 1990 was virtually identical
to that for all workers in the city.
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The heavy reliance on unskilled and semi-skilled
manufacturing jobs, the historical
hallmark of Puerto Rican employment, is no
longer apparent.
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Puerto Rican women are increasingly found
in several high-growth service industries,
most notably health and educational
services.
EARNINGS
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Puerto Rican men had average earnings of nearly
$20,500 in 1989 compared to $30,900 for all
men (a ratio of .66). Puerto Rican women, on
average, earned nearly $16,700, 75 percent of
that for all women New York City.
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If we define economic success to mean higher-than-average
earnings and only a small margin of difference
in the ratio of Puerto Rican-to-total earnings,
then the greatest successes for men have come
in unskilled/semi-skilled blue-collar jobs
(transportation and material moving),
in selected service occupations (protective
services) and in lower skilled white-collar
jobs (administrative support).
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Among women, the greatest successes have occurred
in both the highly skilled (professional
specialty), and less skilled (administrative
support; technical and related support)
white-collar occupations.
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One clear indication that Puerto Ricans may
be making inroads into the highest paying
occupations is the relatively smalldifference
in earnings between Puerto Rican women in
professional specialty occupations
and their citywide counterparts -- Puerto
Rican women earned 80 percent of what all
women earned in this highly skilled group.
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With respect to industries, for both Puerto
Rican men and women, public administration
and transportation, communication, and
public utilities have yielded relatively
high earnings which are close to parity with
all workers, especially for men. In contrast,
the margin of difference in earnings for finance,
insurance, and real estate has been and
continues to be substantial.
MIGRATION
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Between 1985 and 1990, the city lost 90,100
Puerto Ricans through migration: 51,500 moved
in and 141,600 moved out.
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Fifty-one percent (26,200) of the in-migrants
came from Puerto Rico. Of the in-migrants
coming from the 50 states, nearly one-half
came from the states of New York and New Jersey.
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Puerto Rico was the destination of 54,400
or 38 percent of Puerto Rican out-migrants.
New York and New Jersey absorbed over one-quarter
of the out-migrants and 14 percent went to
Florida.
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The in-migration rate of householders on public
assistance was relatively low, while the out-migration
rate of householders on public assistance
was more than two and a half times as much,
leading to a net loss of households on public
assistance.
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There was no evidence that Puerto Ricans leaving
the city were overwhelmingly nonpoor. In fact,
the city lost a disproportionate number of
blue-collar workers and low income households.
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In-migrants from and out-migrants to the 50
states had higher-status occupations and higher
household incomes compared to persons who
stayed in the city in the 1985-1990 period.
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In-migrants from Puerto Rico were similar
in many respects to stayers. Out-migrants
to Puerto Rico, on the other hand, had lower
labor force participation, less education
and lower household income than those who
stayed in the city.
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